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Iap Sian-chin
( Postdoctoral Fellow , Graduate School of Religion, Chung Yuan Christian University, Taiwan. Address: 38, Hsin-Hsing Road, Chungli District, Taoyuan City, Taiwan. Email: iapsianchin@gmail.com)
Abstract: Periodicals were once a crucial media for Protestant mission societies to share their missionary activities in foreign fields in connection with one another among missionary networks. This was also true of the Pentecostal Movement, the AzusaStreet Mission, and other Pentecostal missions which had published variousperiodicals in order to build a network among “Apostolic Faith” participants. Pentecostal periodicals published in the movement’s earliest days could be consideredas one of the central assumptions to observe the origins of global Pentecostalism. Some of the earliest Pentecostals in China—both missionaries and locals also published Pentecostal periodicals in Chinese languages to promote the Pentecostal message. ThePopular Gospel Truth and The Pentecostal Truth, two earliest Chinese Pentecostal periodicals which shaped the two distinctive streams of Pentecostalism/Pentecostal-Style belief in China—the True Jesus Church and the Hong Kong Pentecostal Mission, respectively. In fact, the editors of both periodicals were connected with missionaries sent by the Azusa Street Mission who had direct roots in the Azusa Street Revival. However, these twop eriodicals reflected two different aspects of North American Pentecostalism—Holiness Pentecostals and Oneness Pentecostals. This essay will compare the two core theological issues of Pentecostalism—sanctification and Spirit-baptism—as discussed in these two periodicals.
Key Words: Chinese Pentecostalism, the True Jesus Church, Oneness Pentecostals, Chinese Christianity
Publications were once a crucial media for Protestant mission societies to share their missionary activities in foreign fields. This was also true of the Pentecostal Movement, the Azusa Street Mission, and other Pentecostal missions which had published various periodicals in order to build a network among “Apostolic Faith” participants. As Allan Anderson noted, Pentecostal periodicals published in the movement’s earliest days could be considered as one of the central assumptions to observethe origins of global Pentecostalism. Those papers were not only significant inspreading Pentecostal belief internationally, but also were the foundation ofthe meta-culture that arose in [以下为原刊第82页]global Pentecostalism in its earliest forms[1]. On the other hand, before the establishment of the Assemblies of God, some independent Pentecostals based in the North and the West intended to maintainthe rapport between these ministers and churches through the issuance of periodicals because of their tendency to be anti-denominational[2]. As we can see, periodicals were significant in spreading Pentecostalism, especiallyin the earliest days of this movement.
As is already known, Classical Pentecostals could be classified into various subtypes with the differences among them fundamentally relating to doctrine. Hence, Pentecostal missionaries to Chinapreached in the name of different types of Pentecostalism. Some were “finished work” advocators, while others were Holiness or Oneness Pentecostals. However, the doctrinal diversity of Pentecostals in China has been entirely neglected by his toriographers.
According to Daniel Bays, Pentecostal missionaries to China put down roots in three areas which later strongly influenced the development of Chinese Pentecostalism: HongKong, Zhengding in Hebei Province and Shanghai. They published Pentecostal periodicals in Chinese languages to promote the Pentecostal message, and this had impact on believers.[3] In this essay, the author compares ThePopular Gospel Truth and The Pentecostal Truth, which shaped the two distinctivestreams of Pentecostalism in China—the True Jesus Church and the Hong Kong Pentecostal Mission, respectively. In fact, the editors of both periodicals were connected with missionaries sent by the Azusa Street Mission who had direct roots in the Azusa Street Revival. However, these two periodicals reflected two different aspects of North American Pentecostalism—Holiness Pentecostals and Oneness Pentecostals. This essay will compare the two core theological issues of Pentecostalism—sanctification and Spirit-baptism—as discussed in these twoperiodicals.
1. A Brief History and Background of Popular Gospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths
The Pentecostal Truth was published in May 1908[4] inHong Kong by a Chinese schoolmaster by the name of Mok Lai Chi (莫礼智)[5] who was converted by A. G. Garr to Pentecostalism. In 1907, the Pentecostal Holiness Mission sent Thomas James McIntosh to China, who was perhaps the [以下为原刊第83页]first Pentecostal missionary to reach the country.[6] At the beginning, he stayed in Macao. Later, on October 9 1907, Garr, another Pentecostal missionary, arrived in Hong Kong. He was invited by several single women missionaries. Soon, Garr started hold ingmeetings at a church sponsored by the American Board of Foreign Missions. He then hired Mok Lai Chi to be histranslator and they became close friends.[7]In a letter written to A.A. Boddy, Garr said: “God has soblessed us with having Bro. Mok to interpret, and also made him a preacher to the heathen.[8]” Mok was born into a Christian family and attended an English school. Being well trained in English, in 1886, he joined the government as an interpreter. He was also a deacon in the American Board church, where he encountered Pentecostalism and Garr. He was also secretary for the YMCA, where he had done evangelical work among dock workers.[9] Mok soon received the Spirit-baptism and “spoke intongues” on November 10th 1907. His testimony declared that the Spirit Spoke to him in the Hakka dialect and an African tongue. He said of the experience: “...It gives me power to become a more faithful childof God, to love Him, to understand His Word...[10]”
After several weeks of pentecostal meetings, the ABCFM church began to split becauseof the use of tongues. C. R Hager, who had turned oven an unused chapel to Garr, decided to take it back. As aresult, Pentecostals had to find another facility. As Daniel Bays mentioned, the Chinese Recorder portrayed Garr's group as “attacking the methods of other Christianmissionaries.[11]” According to Mok, they started a mission at ConnaughtRoad（康乐道）, and then they opened a “new mission hall for heathens inone of the busiest streets where theChinese of the lowest class were found thronging at all times.” He continued toreport: “-Cases of beri-beri, fever, sores, consumption, diarrhoea, dysentery and other diseases have been miraculously healed by our Lord Jesus through the prayers of our little apostolic company.” [12] In 1910, Mok moved his mission to 69 Caine Road（中环坚道）, where hestarted an English school for women and children.The tuition fees were free of charge, the age of female students was not limited and western women missionaries were involvedin teaching as assistants.[13] Simultaneously, Mok changed the name of the mission which he had adapted from the Azusa street,namely “Apostolic Faith Mission”（使徒信心会）, to “Hong Kong Pentecostal Mission（香港五旬节会）”.[14] He subsequently declared that the Hong Kong Pentecostal Mission was an independent church established by the Chinese instead of a branch of any foreign church,[15] which demonstrated that Mok alsoattempted to have his church indigenized.Inaddition, McIntosh also got [以下为原刊第84页]in touch with Garr and Mok and talked to them about moving to Hong Kong.[16]
For the longest time, Mok desired to start a newspaper.In 1906,when he had not contacted the Pentecostal movement, he secured the services of a“very good Chinese scholar” as a sub-editor. However, Mok suddenly gave up on the venture for no apparent reason.[17] The direct impetus for the birth of the Pentecostal Truths can be connected with McIntosh. According to Mok's testimony, one day McIntosh toldhim that he received the inspiration to start a free paper, to be called the “Pentecostal Truths.”[18] However, McIntosh eventually did not publish the paper; Mok did. He published the paper’s first issue in January 1908. It was a free paper, with three pages printed in Chinese and one in English.[19] In Issue No. 13 of the periodical, one could find a picture of adove holding a paper with the title “Pentecostal Truths”, with a remark noting that the title is derived from a vision that Mr. McIntosh had seen.[20] Obviously, the publication of the Pentecostal Truths was encouraged by McIntosh. According to Allan Anderson, Joseph H.King, the leader of Pentecostal Holiness Church, visited Hong Kong for a month and preached, with Mok serving as the interpreter. During this visit, King spent over a month in Mok'sfamily home at Caine Road Mission.[21]Here we can seeanother association with Holiness Pentecostals besides that with McIntosh; we will talk about the issue of Holiness later.
Secondly,The Popular Gospel Truths published by a Norwegian-American missionary, Bernt Berntsen, is also worth noting. Berntsen was born in 1863in Larvik, Norway. He immigrated to the United States in 1893, settled inChicago and worked as a store keeper in a local grocery store. He married NagnaBerg and they had two children.[22] In 1904, he joined anon-denominational Norwegian mission society known as the South Zhili Mission (南直隶福音会), founded by Horace William Holding. Mr. Berntsen came to China at theage of 40 and started his missionary work at Damingfu, Zhili Province (present-day Handan,Hebei Province). In 1906, he came across an issue of Apostolic Faith and obtained the news of the Azusa Revival, which interested him.
In 1907, Berntsen determined to go back to the United States to experience the revival. In the same year, Berntsen traveled to Seattle, where he met Martin L. Ryan, whose team was holding group prayer meetings. Berntsen again sought the Spirit baptism in the meetings but did not receive it. He then traveled to Oakland,California, where he attended prayer meetings held by William F. Manley, again without receiving the Spirit baptism. Finally, he visited the Azusa Street Mission in Los [以下为原刊第85页]Angeles, where he was baptized in the Spirit and finally spokein tongues.[23] The September 1907 issue of Apostolic Faith reported this event andstated,
“Brother B. Berntsen from SouthChih-li, Tai-Ming-Fu, North China came all the way to Los Angeles to receive his Pentecost … he soon fell under the power, and rose drunk on the new wine of the kingdom, magnifying God in a new tongue. As soon as he could speak English,he said, ‘This means much for China.[24]’”
Then, members of the Azusa Street Mission prayed for him so that he could be anointed to serve in China. At the end of the same year, Berntsen returned to China and set up his mission in Zhengding, Hebei. Being familiar with Mok Lai Chi, he named his church as the “Apostolic Faith Mission” too, but he changed its name several times. His affiliationwith mission societies also changed. Consequently, he committed to the emerging Oneness Pentecostal camp which was rising duringthe second decade of the Pentecostal movement. Interestingly, Berntsen's work in China influenced the earliest leaders, namely Paul Wei (Wei Enbo)[25], Zhang Lingshen and Barnabas Zhang. It could be said that the birth of the True Jesus Church was indirectly connected with Berntsen.
In 1912, Berntsen began publishing the Popular Gospel Truth, a periodical that served as the voice of Pentecostalism in north China. According to his own witness next year, he felt the need to publish a Pentecostal newspaper in Mandarin in North China for some years, for a country with approximately hundred millions people ought to have a Pentecostal paper, when some other smaller countries can have many[26]. Mok's Pentecostal Truths might be a paradigm for Berntsen to publish his own periodical in order to spread the Pentecostal message. In 1909, Berntsen wrote to Mok to request papers from November and December as well as tracts from Mok, and said the tracts are quite practical for preaching to the Chinese people. Berntsen probably understood the effectiveness of publishing in missionary work[27]. In addition, Pentecostals had published several different periodicals during that era. In fact, the reason Berntsen converted to Pentecostalism was because he had come across Apostolic Faith. Both elements might have stimulated Berntsento start a Chinese newspaper. According to Bays, these two periodicals influenced the earliest pioneers of the True Jesus Church,[28]since in his latest publication he increasingly stressed that the TJC had its roots in Pentecostal Truths.[29]
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2. Popular Gospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths as mediums for spreading Pentecostalism
Since the early days of the movement, Pentecostals have published dozens of periodicals, not only in the U.S. but also in other places, such as Confidencein England that served as the voice of British Pentecostal movement. In general, the reasons Protestant and Pentecostal mission societies orgroups distribute periodicals may be divided into three. Inwardly, these periodicals play the role of a church bulletin, containing church news, prayer requests, donations and times of meetings. Outwardly, they function as one of the mediums to spread their belief in an attempt to convert readers to their group. Ecumenically, these periodicals functioned as channels for the network of worldwide Pentecostal missionaries at the beginning of this movement. News from missionfields and letters from missionaries helped built the new movement’s network. Pentecostals were able to know not only the spread of Pentecostal movement locally, but also internationally. One could say that Pentecostalism underwent acertain kind of deterritorialization.
As mentioned above, the earliest pioneers of the TJC were influenced by Popular Gospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths, and they were also motivated to publish their own periodicals to be distributed to the public (especially Christians). Lian Xi has noted that Paul Wei mass mailed Universal Correction Church Times (万国更正教报) using the directory in the China Church Year Book. Actually, distributing papers was the main medium for the spread of the TJC.They particularlytargeted Seventh-Day Adventist churches. Lian raised an interesting example in his book that in Hunan, some members of an Adventist church received the first issue of the Universal CorrectionChurch Times. When they startedpraying in accordance with the prescribed methods therein, glossolalia took holdamong them.[30] This case shows how influential this kind of periodicals can be.
Both Popular Gospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths appealed to Pentecostal beliefs, particularly emphasizing the necessity of seeking Spirit-baptism. Besides biblical teachings, these periodicals also included testimonies and news about ongoing, worldwide Pentecostal revivals and were generally not different from contemporary Pentecostal newspapers in the UnitedStates. Pre-millennium eschatology to some extent was another main topic contained in these two papers. From the beginning, the top of each issue of the Popular Gospel Truths was headlined with “Jesus is coming back soon,” 耶稣急速回来; As for the Pentecostal Truths, by 1914 the paper seemed to have shifted somewhat to a particular emphasis on the “second coming of Jesus”.[31] In addition, holiness and sanctification were also another focus for both the papers, though they are rooted in different traditions on this issue. It is also worth noting that there are differences in writing styles of these two newspapers. In general, Pentecostal Truths’ writing style tends to be in a more classical literary form; most of the Bible verses cited in the paper are based on the Delegate's Version, which is a more classical Chinese version of the Bible. Mok was well educated and had been trained as a translator and served as a secretary for theYMCA.The writing style of the paper sufficiently reflects his language [以下为原刊第87页]abilities. By contrast, Popular Gospel Truth was written in apopular style, which targets readers at the grassroots level.
Barnabas Zhang, one of the TJC's earliest pioneers, also mentioned Popular Gospel Truths, though he was critical of this paper.[32] Copies of Popular Gospel Truth and Pentecostal Truths in my possession came from the TJC’s collection, and I can see the seal of Huang Chengcong(黄呈聪)— a well known Taiwanese cultural elite during the Japanese colonial era—which means that the documents belonged to him. In fact, the source of the TJC for information about Pentecostals may be Popular Gospel Truths and PentecostalTruths as one can see the reference note to introduction to Pentecostal movement in the important text book for the TJC—The Doctrine ofthe Holy Spirit.[33]This indicates that the source has been derived from these two periodicals.This text book has been quite popular among the TJC's folks; the teachings about Pentecostal movement in the TJC's religious education system are more often than not cited from this text book. To sum up,these two periodicals to some degree had an impact on TJC's mission strategy and shape their understanding of Pentecostalism.
The effectiveness of PopularGospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths asa medium for spreading thePentecostal message still remains uncertain and needs to be further researched. In this study, I place more emphasis on the nuance of the doctrines behind these two Pentecostal periodicals, which reflect different theological traditions of Pentecostalism.
3. Theological Issues in Popular Gospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths
According to doctrines on Sanctification and Spirit-Baptism, Classical Pentecostals can generally be divided into three categories, namely Holiness Pentecostals, Keswick/Finished work Pentecostals and Oneness Pentecostals. This split was due to a series of conflicts within the movement between 1910 and 1918-[34]. Most of the earliest Pentecostalleaders came from Wesleyan-Holiness Movement, which can be regarded as arevival movement within Wesleyan churches in the US. It places emphasis in restoring the doctrine of “entirely sanctification” and the thought of the former is a Christian crisisexperience. When some parts of it participated in the emerging Pentecostalmovement, Spirit-Baptism became the third crisis experience, which added to the existing framework of the Holiness movement. To sum up, their ordo salutiscontains three steps: “regeneration”, “sanctification” and “Spirit-Baptism”. William Seymour and the official doctrinal statement of the Azusa Street Mission alsomaintain this position and denominations such as Church of God, Church of GodIn Christ and Pentecostal Holiness Church belong to this camp too. Though Keswick and Finished work have a somewhat different perspective on sanctification, both of them do not views anctification as a demonstrative, instant experience.
Keswick in fact refers to another type of Holiness movement.However he argued that [以下为原刊第88页]sanctification is a processrather than an instant experience. William Durham, one of the earliest Pentecostal leaders, articulated that since Christ’s “finished work” on the cross and in the resurrection are sufficient to completely save people, one must be born again and entirely sanctified at the moment of faith in Christ,which can be called “single-work perfectionism.[35]” Assemblies of God, Foursquare Church and Pentecostal Church of God can be classified under this type of Pentecostalism. Oneness Pentecostals emerged subsequent to Holiness and Keswick/Finished work Pentecostals.Most of the mused to be Durham's followers. Besides maintaining the Oneness of Godhead, ordo salutis is also adistinctive feature of Oneness Pentecostals as compared to Trinitarian Pentecostals. Though they view thethree-step model of Holiness Pentecostals or two-step model of Finished work Pentecostals as being progressive for salvation as well, they place more emphasis on the continuity of the “three-stage” and “fullness” of salvation. However, their “three-stage” soteriological formula is different from the Holiness and Keswick/Finished work camps. Forthem, the paradigmatic text for Christian initiation is Act 2:38: “Repent and be baptized, every one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of your sin. And you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit.[36]” Hence, Oneness Pentecostal’s three-stage soteriology consists of repenting, being baptized in Jesus’ name and receiving the gift of the Holy Spirit with the evidence of tongues. According to them, these three steps, in complex unity, lead to “full” salvation. Each phase in this formula is essential for salvation. Speaking in tongues is thus considered to be an indispensable condition in experiencing full salvation.
Popular Gospel Truths and Pentecostal Truths in fact reflect the diversity of the Pentecostal movement.Only a few scholars are conscious of this point, though the two periodicals represent two different Pentecostal traditions. As mentioned above, the two papers to some extentshape TJC's imagination of Pentecostalism, but in terms of my observation, the TJC's members hardly noticethat not all Pentecostals identify Spirit-Baptism with conversion as they do, probably because of their pioneer's connection to Berntsen. In the following sections, I attempt to discuss and analyze the theological issues in these two papers todemonstrate the different Pentecostal traditions they reflect.[以上为原刊第88页，本文余下部分见第（二）部分]
[注释部分]
[以下为原刊第82页][1] Allan Anderson, “The Emergence of a Multidimensional Global Missionary Movement: Trends, Patterns, and Experience, ” in Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism edited by Donald E. Miller, Kimon H. Sargeant and Richard Flory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 30.
[2] Vinson Synan, The Holiness Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,1997), 153.
[3] Daniel Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900–1937: A Pentecostal Case Study,” in Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity, ed. Steven Kaplan (New York: New York University Press, 1995),129.
[4] The official periodical The Apostolic Faith also mentioned of The Pentecostal Truth, which said:“We hear from South China that about 100 have received the baptism of the Holy Ghost and they now have a paper in the Chinese called 'Pentecostal Truths,' which is being scattered in China and Japan. It is a blessed paper and one can feel the power in it even though one is unable to read it.” See The Apostolic Faith No.13 (1908):1. Also, The Pentecost No. 3(1908):8 mentioned this new publication: “Pentecostal Truths.-A paper publishedentirely in the Chinese language” in the part of introducing Pentecostal papersaround the world.
[5] Some scholars from TheTrue Jesus church have mis-identified Mok Lai Chi as an American pastor, when in fact he was a Chinese. For example: Xie Shundao, Shenglinglun [The Doctrineof the Holy Spirit], (Taichung: The True Jesus Church Taiwan GeneralAssembly, 1966), 172.
[以下为原刊第84页][6] R.G. Tiedemann, Reference Guide to Christian Missionary Societies in China (Armonk, NY and London,England: ME. Sharpe, 2009), 199; Daniel Bays, “Missionary Establishment andPentecostalism,” in Edith Waldvogel ed. Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1999 ), 52.
[7] Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. TheAzusa Street Mission & Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 2006), 256.
[8] Confidence No. 11(1909): 259.
[9] Allan Anderson, Spreading Fires: The Missionary Nature of Early Pentecostalism (Maryknoll, New York:Orbis, 2007), 117.
[10] Confidence No. 12 (1909):283.
[11] D. H. Bays and T.M. Johnson,“China” in The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and CharismaticMovements, eds. StanleyM. Burgess, Eduard M. Van Der Maas (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002, 2003) ,59.
[12] Confidence No. 12 (1909):283.
[13] Pentecostal Truths Vol. 3, No. 3-4 (1910):1.
[14] Pentecostal Truths vol. 3, No. 2 (1910):1
[15] Pentecostal Truths Vol. 3, No. 10 (1910):1
[以下为原刊第84页][16] Robeck, The Azusa StreetMission & Revival, 257.
[17] Confidence No. 12 (1909):283.
[18] Confidence No. 12 (1909):283.
[19] Confidence No. 12 (1909):283.
[20] Pentecostal Truths Vol. 2 No. 13 (1909): 4.
[21] Anderson, Spreading theFires, 121.
[22] The elder child is a boy,whose name is Henry Bernhand Berntsen. His name can be seen many times in The Popular Gospel Truth, and many articles in this periodical were written by him. His name also appeared in Paul Wei’s (the major pioneer of the TJC’s publication) The True Witness Book of the Holy Spirit Vol. 1, 3, which says Henry practiced exorcism for Wei’s daughter with him. In Word and Witness Vol. 9 (September): 4, his name was also mentionedas: “Our own son, Henry, a mere boy, is having his call renewed to preach.”Those documents show that Henry became an important assistant to Berntsen. However, he later worked for an American-AsiaticUnderwriter in Hankou. The other child is a daughter named Ruth, who married amissionary named Matron Redmon, and sustained Berntsen’s mission work in Chinaafter his death. She was obviously affiliated with the Oneness camp. See Pentecostal Herald, Vol. 21 No. 8(1946): 8.
[以下为原刊第85页][23] Robeck, The Azusa Street Mission and Revival,260–1.
[24] ApostolicFaith Vol.1 No.10(1907):1.
[25] Daniel Bays said Wei was influenced by a group of Swedish faith missionaries in Zhengding, and his name was “Peterson.” He laid his hands on Wei to heal his tuberculosis. See Daniel Bays, A New History of Christianity in China (West Sussex:Wiley-Blackwell, 2012),129. However, according to Popular Gospel Truth, Paul Wei's diary and the official historiography of the TJC, this missionary should be Berntsen. I affirm that Berntsen was probably misconstrued for “Peterson.”The one who laid his hand on Paul Wei was a Chinese preacher by the name of XinShengmin新圣民. Through him, Wei got to know of Berntsen.
[26] Bridegroom’s Messengersvol. 5, no.139 (1913):4.
[27] Pentecostal Truths vol. 2, No. 4 (1909):4.
[28] Daniel Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900–1937,”124–43.
[29] Bays, A New History of Christianity in China, 129.
[以下为原刊第86页][30] Lian Xi, Redeemed by Fires: The Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern China (New Heaven &London: Yale University Press, 2010), 48, 52.
[31] Anderson, Spreading theFires, 118-9.
[以下为原刊第87页][32] Barnabas Zhang, Chuandaoji [Missionary Journal] (Nanjing: The headquarters of the TrueJesus Church, 1929), 9.
[33] Xie, Shenglinglun, 174.
[34] Douglas Jacobsen, Thinkingin the Spirit—Theologies of the Early Pentecostal Movement (Bloomington:Indiana University Press, 2003),134.
[以下为原刊第88页][35] Frank D. Macchia, “Baptizedin the Spirit: Toward a Global Theology of Spirit Baptism,” in The Spirit in the World: Emerging Pentecostal Theologies in Global Context, ed. Veli-Matti Karkkainen (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans,2009), 6–7.
[36] David Reed, “Oneness Pentecostalism,” in New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, ed. Stanley Burgess and Eduard M. Van Der Mass (Grand Rapids: Zondervan,2002,2003), 943.[以上为原刊第88页]
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