On the same street corner in Seoul where 10,000 South Korean women rallied last October to demand an end to spy cameras and sexual violence, the leader of a new activist group addressed a small group of angry young men.
去年10月，1万名韩国女性在首尔街头集会，要求禁止偷拍和性暴力，如今在同一个街角，一个新的维权组织的领导人向一小群愤怒的年轻男性发表了讲话。
"We are a group for legal justice, anti-hate, and true gender equality," Moon Sung-ho boomed into a microphone to a crowd of a few dozen men waving placards.
“我们是一个追求法律公正、反仇恨和真正性别平等的团体，”文成镐(Moon Sung-ho)对着麦克风对着几十名挥舞着标语牌的男子大声说。
As feminist issues come to the fore in deeply patriarchal South Korea, there's a growing discontent among young men that they're being left behind. Moon, who leads Dang Dang We, a group "fighting for justice for men," is one of them.
在男权至上的韩国，随着女权主义问题的凸显，越来越多的年轻男性感到不满，因为他们被落在了后面。领导“为人类正义而战”组织Dang Dang We的文成镐就是其中之一。
He started his group last year after a 39-year-old business owner was sentenced to six months in prison for grabbing a woman's buttocks in a Korean soup restaurant.
去年，在一名39岁的企业主因在一家韩国汤餐厅抓一名女性的臀部而被判入狱6个月后，他开始成立了自己的组织。
The case provoked outrage that a man could be convicted on no evidence beyond the victim's claims.
这起案件激起了公愤，因为除了受害者的指控外，没有任何证据可以证明该名男子有罪。
While some lashed out at the judge, 29-year-old Moon found another culprit: feminism. Moon and his group held a panel discussion at the National Assembly, Korea's top legislature, in early September, to expose what they perceive to be the alleged harms of the movement.
在一些人猛烈抨击法官的同时，29岁的文在寅找到了另一个罪魁祸首:女权主义。文在寅和他的团队于9月初在韩国最高立法机构国民大会(National Assembly)举行了一次小组讨论，以揭露他们所认为的这场运动的所谓危害。
"Feminism is no longer about gender equality. It is gender discrimination and its manner is violent and hateful," he said to applause from his audience of about 40, mostly young, men.
“女权主义不再关乎性别平等。这是性别歧视，它的方式是暴力和仇恨的。”他的听众大约有40人，其中大部分是年轻人。
The emergence of mainstream feminist voices and ideas came in response to the brutal murder of a young woman near a subway station in trendy Seoul suburb, Gangnam, in 2016.
2016年，在首尔时尚郊区江南区，一名年轻女子在地铁站附近被残忍杀害。
The perpetrator deliberately targeted a female victim.
行凶者故意将目标对准一名女性受害者。
The woman's death triggered an examination of attitudes towards women in the country, which broadened to include campaigns against sexual harassment, like the #MeToo movement and anti-spy cam protests, dubbed #mylifeisnotyourporn.
这名女子的死亡引发了对该国女性态度的调查，调查范围扩大到反对性骚扰的运动，如“我也是”运动和反偷拍抗议活动，被称为“我的生活不是你们的色情”。
To many, the discussion was long overdue in male orientated South Korea, which ranks well below the global average on the 2018 Global Gender Gap report, with major disparities in terms of wage equality and earned income for women.
对很多人来说，这种讨论早该在以男性为主导的韩国展开。在2018年的《全球性别差距报告》中，韩国的性别差距远远落后于全球平均水平，女性在工资平等和劳动收入方面存在巨大差异。
Campaigners found support from the South Korean government and President Moon Jae-In, who vowed to "become a feminist president" before he was elected in 2017.
活动人士得到了韩国政府和总统文在寅(Moon Jae-In)的支持，他在2017年当选总统之前誓言要“成为一名女权主义总统”。
Since then, there have been several high-profile prosecutions relating to sexual abuse involving politicians, K-pop stars, and regular men.
自那以后，已经有几起涉及政治人物、韩国流行歌手和普通男性的性侵案件受到了高度关注。
With each court victory, the disquiet among men, especially young men, began to build.
每一次法院的胜利之后，男人，尤其是年轻人之间的不安就开始增加。
"I don't support the #MeToo movement," said Park, a business student in his early 20s who vehemently disagrees with the notion that young women today are disadvantaged in society.
“我不支持'我也是’运动，”20岁出头的商科学生朴先生说，他认为当今的年轻女性在社会上并非处于不利地位。
"I agree that (women) in their 40s and 50s (made sacrifices), but do not believe that women in their 20s and 30s are being discriminated against."
“我同意四五十岁的女性做出了牺牲，但我不认为二三十岁的女性受到了歧视。”
In South Korea's hyper-competitive job market, well-paying jobs at large conglomerates are few and far between.
在韩国竞争异常激烈的就业市场上，大型企业集团的高薪职位少之又少。
In the last 10 years, the youth unemployment rate has jumped from 6.9% to 9.9%.
过去10年里，青年失业率从6.9%跃升至了9.9%。
If you include youth who are working part time, as well as those who are not in prison, school or the military, that rate soars to 21.8%.
如果算上兼职的年轻人，以及那些不在监狱、学校或军队里的年轻人，这一比例将飙升至21.8。
And while the country underwent an economic growth spurt from the 70s to the 90s, the young generation of Korea are working in a sluggish economy.
从上世纪70年代到90年代，韩国经济经历了井喷式增长，而如今年轻一代的韩国人却在低迷的经济形势中工作。
Meanwhile, housing prices remain high: the median price for an apartment in Seoul is $670,000 -- while median incomes in the city fall short of $2,000 per month.
与此同时，韩国房价依然居高不下:首尔一套公寓的中值价格为67万美元，而首尔的中值收入低于每月2000美元。
Despite the lack of political parties targeting young men, Moon Sung-ho, from Dang Dang We, is not discouraged.
尽管缺乏针对年轻人的政党，但来自Dang Dang We的文成镐并不气馁。
"The current social ills that feminism have created wasn't built in a day. It will take time and effort to crumble it. We need to do it gradually," he said.
“女权主义造成的当前社会弊病不是一天造成的。粉碎它需要时间和精力。我们需要慢慢来。”他说。
Ma, the researcher, believes that the conflict won't be resolved as long as South Korea has military conscription.
研究人员马认为，只要韩国仍实行征兵制，冲突就不会得到解决。
"We must stop forcing manhood on men," she said.
她说:“我们必须停止强迫男人具有男子气概。”
"Society must help men find a new masculinity, instead of anti-feminism."
“社会必须帮助男性找到一种新的男子气概，而不是反女权主义。”
But Park feel helpless to change a society that they think is putting women first.
但是，朴先生觉得，要改变一个他们认为把女性放在首位的社会是无能为力的。
"We are a punching bag," Kim said, when asked to describe the status of young men today.
“我们是一个出气筒，”当被问及当今年轻男性的状况时，金先生说。
He points to how young men are struggling to buy their own homes, or even pay for dates.
他指出，年轻人很难买到自己的房子，甚至付不起约会的费用。
At the same question, Park becomes deflated.
在同样的问题上，朴先生也感觉很泄气。
"Men in their 20s are not part of the establishment.
“20多岁的男性不属于这个圈子。”
“We must follow whatever people in their 40s and 50s say," he said.
“我们必须得听从那些四五十岁的人所说的。”他说道。
"If everyone could easily get a job and the economy was growing, then maybe we wouldn't need to fight this much."
“如果每个人都能轻松找到工作，经济也在增长，那么也许我们就不需要这么拼命了。”
问题：
文中提到韩国总统对女权运动是否支持呢？
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